Every election season in Africa, particularly Nigeria, echoes with a desperate cry for good leaders, redeemers, and miracle-working saviours to rescue the nation from despondency. Campaigns overflow with promises of integrity, reform, and transformation. However, the real power to shape leadership outcomes positively or negatively doesn’t lie solely with the candidates; it rests mainly with the followers. In a democracy, numbers rule, and the majority, if credible, enlightened, and politically conscious, can demand and drive real change. Yet, when this followership is misinformed, transactional, or complicit, even the best intentions collapse under the weight of a corrupt system. The brutal irony, however, is that followership most times is steeped in corruption, tribalism, and transactional politics, while hoping to birth saints from the very system it enables and defends. The question isn’t where the good leaders are; it’s whether the society that produces them even wants good leaders. This contradiction forms the paradox of Nigeria’s leadership crisis, a society riddled with broken values, expecting angelic leaders. It is like planting thorns and expecting roses to bloom. Democracy thrives not only on the legitimacy of elections but also on the vigilance of the electorate. Nations like Norway, Canada, and Germany exhibit strong, transparent leadership not because of extraordinary politicians, but because of the strength of their civic culture. In these countries, citizens are educated, engaged, and empowered. They demand policies, question authority, protest injustice, and vote on issues, not emotions. From local government offices to the highest rungs of governance at the centre, Nigeria is plagued by a leadership problem. But what’s less discussed is that these leaders are not aliens; they emerge from the same communities, where citizens bribe to get ahead, inflate figures to win contracts, or offer money to bypass due process. The same parents who lecture their children on integrity also pressure them to cheat in exams to secure the future. The hypocrisy is both cultural and systemic. The need for enlightened followership is more urgent than ever. For decades, Nigeria’s leadership failures have been attributed to a string of corrupt or incapable leaders. Yet, this diagnosis only scratches the surface. The deeper question is: Who enabled them? Who cheered them into power, turned a blind eye to their past, or demanded ethnic or religious allegiance over merit? The uncomfortable truth is that poor followership, characterised by ignorance, blind loyalty, and political illiteracy, has fertilised the ground from which subpar leaders emerge. The reality is that bad leadership is the fruit borne from the soil of society and shaped by its values, influenced by its culture, and moulded by its expectations. When society tolerates, even celebrates, es shortcuts, dishonesty, nepotism, and mediocrity, it should come as no surprise when those same traits show up in the corridors of power. Where over 150 million citizens live in multidimensional poverty, political awareness takes a back seat as people think first of survival. Politicians exploit this desperation with tokenistic handouts during campaigns. Many citizens view elections as transactions, not a democratic process with long-term consequences. And until this perception changes, power will always go to the highest bidders. Leadership is not merely the product of ballots, constitutions, or party manifestos; it is a mirror, a reflection of the collective values, knowledge, priorities, and moral fabric of its people. When nations are governed by enlightened, informed, and politically engaged citizens, the quality of leadership naturally rises. Conversely, where ignorance, apathy, and transactional relationships dominate the populace, leadership often degenerates into tyranny, corruption, and incompetence. Africa, and particularly Nigeria, offers a sobering case study of this reality. True reform rarely starts in government houses; it often begins with enlightened citizens. The civil rights movement in the U.S., led by ordinary but informed citizens, forced systemic change. In Tunisia, the Arab Spring was triggered by a single act of defiance from a frustrated vendor, but sustained by masses who had reached a tipping point and could not stomach bad leadership and the attendant suffering.  Even in Nigeria, rays of this civic light are emerging. The #EndSARS movement in 2020 signified a new wave of youth-led civic awakening. Though brutally suppressed, it illustrated the potential of an informed and organised followership to challenge the status quo. NGOs, investigative journalists, and youth-led platforms like BudgIT, Enough Is Enough, and SERAP are beginning to redefine the civic space, demanding transparency and people-centred governance. Every four years, many Nigerians cast votes not based on vision, character, or record but along lines of tribe, religion, or personal gain. Politicians, knowing this, do not offer substance. They offer stomach infrastructure, distribute wrappers, or promise to “carry the people along, a euphemism for patronage and favouritism”. The tragedy is that many citizens do not vote to hold power accountable, but to partake in it. The question then arises: Can a society that does not value excellence produce excellent leaders? Can a population that is largely uninformed, uncritical, and transactional hold leaders to standards it does not hold itself? One of the gravest misconceptions in African political discourse is the belief that a society can somehow stumble upon saintly leaders amidst a sea of moral decay. But history shows that great leaders often emerge in societies that demand greatness. They are held accountable by institutions, pressured by informed electorates, and challenged by vibrant civic cultures. Countries like Finland, New Zealand, and Denmark are nations lauded for transparent, people-centred governance. Their leaders are not superhuman. They are products of systems that reward honesty, competence, and public service. These societies don’t just hope for integrity; they demand it, enforce it, and live it. In Nigeria, the pattern is disturbingly predictable. A new leader emerges with a promise to change everything. For a while, hopes soar, but then, the system swallows him, either through compromise or confrontation and the cycle of disillusionment resumes. Meanwhile, the same citizens who decry corruption are often complicit in the very acts they condemn when given the chance. Until the people undergo an inner reformation, leadership will remain a tragic reflection of society: flawed, self-serving, and stuck in a loop of failure. The real transformation, therefore, must begin from the ground up: with the family, in classrooms, through the media, and in everyday interactions. Being an enlightened citizen goes beyond formal education. It encompasses civic literacy, ethical reasoning, historical awareness, media literacy, and the ability to question, critique, and engage power structures constructively. Such citizens do not wait for the government to change their lives; they initiate, innovate, and influence it from the bottom to the top. In Rwanda, for instance, post-genocide recovery wasn’t achieved by leadership alone. A culture of discipline, self-reliance, and civic duty was reignited among the people. Community-based justice systems like Gacaca courts and citizen-driven development efforts helped rebuild trust and accountability. The success of this model underscores the truth: leaders cannot act beyond the consciousness of the people they serve. Leadership, no matter how well-intentioned, will always mirror the values, awareness, and resolve of the people. If followers are passive, uninformed, and ethically compromised, leaders will exploit that void. Nigeria and Africa’s hope lies not in a few saviours, but in millions of torchbearers who, with clarity and courage, light the path of accountability and progress. When the people rise in knowledge and conviction, even the most obstinate regimes must listen. As the 2027 elections approach, what Nigeria needs is not just a change of guard at the top, but a change in the moral compass at the base. A new kind of followership, enlightened, informed, ethical, and courageous, has to emerge. We must stop expecting saints from the same society that excuses corruption as “being smart” or claps for fraudsters because they brought the money home. We must teach integrity not just as a concept, but as a culture. We must build systems that reward merit, punish wrongdoing, and give power back to the people, not through slogans, but through consistent civic action. It is time to flip the script from asking who will lead us to asking how we will lead ourselves. Only then can we move from the shadows of dysfunction into the light of lasting transformation. In the end, leadership is a mirror. What it reflects is the true image of the people it leads. If we want better leaders, we must become better citizens and followers. The tragedy is not that saints are rare in leadership; the tragedy is that our society has stopped producing them. Until that changes, we will continue to elect not the leaders we need but the ones we deserve. Okoronkwo, a leadership and good governance advocate, writes from Lagos via [email protected]

The Director of Intra-African Trade and Export Development (Creatives and Diaspora) at the African Export-Import Bank, Temwa Gondwe, speaks with ARINZE NWAFOR on how Africa’s creative economy is rapidly evolving into a key driver of economic transformation, capable of matching, or even surpassing, the contribution of oil and gas. He also outlines how Afreximbank addresses the sector’s core challenges, from financing and IP protection to market access and diaspora engagement. How well-positioned is the creative industry to grow Nigeria and Africa’s GDP? The creative sector is essential to Africa’s next phase of economic growth. At Afreximbank, we recognise this through the Creative Africa Nexus (CANEX), our flagship programme supporting the growth of Africa and the Caribbean’s (or what we call “Global Africa’s”) creative industries. We’ve seen the economic impact of sectors like music, fashion, film, digital content, and sports. They’re youth-driven, labour-intensive and innovation-led, exactly the kind of industries needed to drive inclusive, sustainable development. Take Nigeria, for example: Nollywood is the second-largest film industry globally by volume and employs over a million people. Afrobeats is now a global sound, generating revenue through streaming, live events, brand deals, and licensing. Lagos-based designers are gaining visibility on the runways of Paris and New York. These are not outliers; they’re evidence of a broader systemic shift. To fully unlock this potential, we need investment, infrastructure, intellectual property (IP) protection, and strong distribution channels. That’s why Afreximbank launched CANEX, to provide financing, build capacity, and facilitate market access. With the right support, we believe Africa’s creative economy can rival oil and gas in both GDP contribution and global influence. How do you describe the creative sector in Africa? It is one of Africa’s most dynamic and future-facing sectors, with far-reaching economic implications. Projections suggest that by 2040, Africa’s creative and cultural industries could generate over $20bn annually and create more than 20 million jobs. Many of these jobs are digital, informal, and youth-led—offering a real solution to Africa’s unemployment and demographic challenges. But beyond economics, the sector helps define Africa’s identity globally. It shapes perceptions and enhances our soft power key assets for attracting investment and trade. How so? Absolutely. Consider how the world came to know Levi’s jeans or cowboy boots through Hollywood. Culture shapes global tastes, aspirations, and demand, paving the way for trade. In that sense, creative content sells the story, and the real-sector goods and services follow. At CANEX, we describe the creative economy as Africa’s “invisible gold”, a rich but underleveraged resource that’s now on the rise. Africa’s creative sector is vibrant, resilient, and becoming increasingly formalised, especially with the right policies and the growing participation of financial players in the ecosystem. What makes a market is not just financing. There must be players who facilitate the marketplace to build that ecosystem support. At Afreximbank, we think Africa’s creative industries will not just entertain the world but will also help transform Africa and the whole world. Afreximbank recently launched the $1bn Africa Film Fund. What’s the latest on this fund, and have there been other investments in Nigeria and beyond? Afreximbank has long recognised the creative sector as a powerful economic driver. We champion this through our CANEX programme, which is built on six key pillars: financing, capacity building, applications and partnerships, digitisation, policy advocacy, and export development and investment promotion. In terms of financing, we’ve established a $2bn facility to provide credit and also launched CANEX Creations Incorporated, an intellectual property investment vehicle that helps creatives commercialise their work through licensing, royalty structures, and more; and we are on the way to operationalizing the Africa Film Fund. Our goal is to drive collaboration between Africa and the diaspora, what we call ‘Global Africa’. This helps us take greater ownership of our content, address distribution challenges, and ultimately grow the sector by owning our stories and narratives. Why does royalty structure appear to be a major concern for creators in Africa’s creative industry? Many global platforms operating in Africa, such as TikTok, YouTube, and others, offer significantly lower payouts to African artists than they do in Western markets. This discrepancy is a major concern across the creative sector, especially when considering the commercial potential of African intellectual property. Why is there a disparity in pay? Several factors contribute to the gap. For one, platform algorithms are not optimised to favour African content, and advertising revenues generated from the continent tend to be much lower than in the US or Europe. These structural issues limit how much artists can earn, even when their content is widely consumed. Ultimately, we need an Africa-first approach to commercialising talent. As long as we depend on external platforms, our creators will remain underpaid. We may need to build new distribution systems, from scratch, tailored to local realities and scalable to a population of over one billion. We also need to rethink consumption models. Western-style subscriptions, monthly or annual, do not always align with Africa’s economic realities, where many people operate on a daily income. Any sustainable platform must reflect this reality. While it’s important to push for fairer terms on global platforms, the long-term solution lies in building systems that work for us by us. What role does the African diaspora play in building this economy? At Afreximbank, intra-African trade is defined not just as commerce between African countries but also among Africans in the diaspora, wherever they may be. Much of what is exported from Africa is driven by demand from Africans abroad, whether in the US, the UK, Brazil, or the Caribbean. So, intra-African trade must go beyond geography and include the broader African identity. We must also pay close attention to the mindset of Global Africa. In today’s increasingly multipolar world, communities are reconnecting with their cultural heritage as a pathway to economic opportunity. Africans, wherever we live, must similarly look to our roots for trade and investment potential. There is no reason Africa shouldn’t be trading extensively with the Caribbean, for example. We share a common history, similar cultural practices, cuisines, music, and even fashion. Brazil is another prime example; it is, demographically speaking, the second-largest African country after Nigeria. These cultural and historical ties should form the basis of structured economic relationships. How do we structure the African diaspora? What we currently see is a significant flow of funds from the diaspora into Africa, largely in the form of remittances used for essential needs like school fees or home repairs. However, this financial flow lacks a structured framework that channels it into Africa’s broader industrialisation and development agenda. Afreximbank is addressing this gap by working closely with diaspora communities and partner countries to explore instruments such as diaspora bonds. We are also facilitating both cultural and professional exchange, while directing diaspora investment into high-potential African portfolio companies—ensuring that these flows contribute meaningfully to sustainable economic transformation. Has the African diaspora reached out to partner with Afreximbank’s creative efforts? Absolutely. We have established the Global Africa Gateway at the Africa Centre in New York, which is our dedicated outpost to engage directly with the diaspora in the United States. Additionally, we now have 13 Caribbean countries that have joined Afreximbank as participating member states and are actively accessing our facilities. Beyond financing, we are focused on building lasting bridges, culturally, economically, and professionally, between Africa and its diaspora, especially across the Caribbean. What challenges have you faced in breaking through in the creative sector in Nigeria and across Africa? Building a robust ecosystem for Africa’s creative economy is not without its challenges. One of the most pressing is the perception of risk. Traditional financial institutions often struggle to assess the value of creative assets, be it intellectual property, screenplays, music catalogues, or fashion collections, making it difficult for creatives to access working capital or scale their businesses. Of course, financial institutions will rightly say, “The business also needs structure.” That is precisely why we launched the CANEX programme, to bridge this gap with financial solutions specifically tailored for the unique dynamics of the creative sector. We are working to de-risk investment in the space and crowd in other financial partners. Another major hurdle is the informal nature of the creative economy. A significant number of creatives operate outside formal structures, limiting their ability to grow, protect their work, or engage in cross-border trade. To address this, we have placed strong emphasis on capacity building, offering masterclasses, workshops, incubation programmes, and SME accelerators aimed at formalising and professionalising the industry. Intellectual property protection also remains a critical concern. Many African creatives are unable to fully monetise their work due to weak IP frameworks and limited access to IP financing. Through CANEX Creations Incorporated, our dedicated subsidiary under the Fund for Export Development in Africa, we are investing in IP-based businesses and initiatives. Our goal is to support the development of investment-grade creative assets, whether by licensing, scaling brands, or building globally competitive creative enterprises. Can you emphasise the perception challenge? By perception, I’m referring to the urgent need for policymakers and investors to view the creative sector not merely as entertainment but as a serious business with immense economic potential. Encouragingly, some African governments, Nigeria being a notable example, are beginning to acknowledge this. They recognise the transformative power of creative industries to drive inclusive growth and structural economic change. That’s why advocacy is a core part of our mandate. We are actively engaging with institutions such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Secretariat and the African Union Commission to push for critical reforms in areas like services trade, labour mobility, and intellectual property rights. Our goal is clear. We want governments across Africa and Global Africa to elevate the creative economy as a strategic engine for industrialisation and transformation. This commitment also underpins the creation of what I call the Global African Platform, anchored through our Creative Africa Nexus at the Intra-African Trade Fair 2025. From 4 to 10 September in Algiers, Algeria, we expect to host over 5,000 creatives from across the continent and the diaspora. The platform will feature more than 200 exhibitors spanning fashion, film, music, visual arts, and digital content. It’s a powerful opportunity to connect creatives with investors, buyers, and collaborators and we anticipate millions of dollars in deal flow to emerge from this engagement. So, to every creative professional looking to plug into Africa’s dynamic creative economy: get your ticket and join us in Algiers this September. The future of the creative industry is being shaped there.

The emergence of Prof Nentawe Yilwatda as National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress on Tuesday is already generating ripples across Nigeria’s political space — and with good reason, ADEBAYO FOLORUNSHO-FRANCIS reports With the choice of a young professor as the national chairman of the biggest political party in Africa, many political observers have posited that President Bola Tinubu deserves his flowers. It was like a thunderbolt. Not many people saw it coming. However, beneath the routine nature of Thursday’s confirmation of the National Executive Committee lies a complex matrix of power balancing, ethnic and religious realignments and 2027 succession politics. With former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Labour Party’s Peter Obi still casting long shadows across the political horizon, the APC leadership knows it cannot afford internal fractures. Nentawe’s selection appears to be a deliberate countermeasure — not just a response to former party chairman Umar Ganduje’s exit, but a strategic move to reposition the party for broader acceptability and cohesion, particularly ahead of the next presidential election. De-escalation of political tension One of the unspoken tensions in APC’s zoning arrangement had been the precarious situation of Vice President Kashim Shettima, who hails from Borno State in the North-East. Before Nentawe’s emergence, the acting APC National Chairman, Ali Dalori, was also from the same geopolitical zone — a configuration many insiders believed could complicate Shettima’s political viability in 2027, should he seek to remain as running mate or emerge as a presidential contender. The appointment of Nentawe, who hails from the North-Central zone (Plateau State), neutralises this zoning conflict. It effectively removes the threat of regional redundancy at the top party echelon, a concern that could have tilted the balance against Shettima when high-level succession plans come under scrutiny. By reassigning the powerful office of national chairman away from the North-East, the APC appears to have restored a delicate regional equilibrium — one that could keep Shettima’s 2027 prospects alive, or even strengthened. However, there are growing concerns within political and insider circles that another influential stalwart of the APC from the North-East, and the current National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, is being quietly positioned as a potential replacement for Vice President Shettima ahead of the 2027 presidential race.
Ribadu, a former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, is reportedly enjoying strong backing from a shadowy network of power brokers and inner-circle figures close to the Presidency.
These individuals are believed to be plotting a dramatic reshuffle that could upend the existing power structure within the APC.
Despite the increasing speculation and whispers in Abuja corridors of power, Ribadu has consistently avoided addressing the matter directly. He has tactfully deflected or declined to respond to such insinuations at public functions and in private discussions, fuelling further speculation about whether his silence is strategic or coincidental. The Christian factor More subtly — but just as significantly — Nentawe’s Christian faith provides a much-needed religious counterbalance within the APC, especially following the Tinubu-Shettima Muslim-Muslim ticket that drew strong criticism in 2023. For a party that needs to regain the trust of Christian voters across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria, this is more than symbolic. Nentawe’s emergence may help pacify concerns about marginalization, particularly in the North-Central region where religious plurality often shapes political loyalty. As the son of a reverend and a respected technocrat with wide appeal among Christian communities, Nentawe brings a moral and cultural nuance the party desperately needs. His Christian identity, coupled with Shettima’s Islamic background, subtly rebuilds a narrative of inclusion — and could become a selling point for the APC in regions previously alienated by its ticket choices. The North-Central zone had previously held the APC chairmanship through Senator Abdullahi Adamu before he was replaced by Kano-born Abdullahi Ganduje in a move that attracted internal criticism. The return of the chairmanship to the zone can be interpreted as a strategic peace offering — and a bid to re-secure the allegiance of a region that has oscillated in its loyalty since 2015. Governor Hope Uzodimma, who moved the motion for zoning the chairmanship back to the North-Central and nominated Nentawe, perhaps articulated the party’s intent: to reengage and reenergize its base in the Middle Belt. Nentawe’s close relationship with former Plateau Governor Simon Lalong further reinforces this political realignment. Technocrat turned politician Nentawe brings more than zoning comfort to the table. His pedigree as a university professor, digital governance expert, and former INEC commissioner gives him a unique technocratic edge. His extensive work with international partners like the UN, World Bank, and EU adds global credibility to his portfolio. Moreover, his previous role as Director of ICT at the Federal University of Agriculture, Makurdi, and as Plateau’s 2023 APC governorship candidate, underscores a dual identity as both scholar and strategist. While some may see his loss to the PDP in the Plateau gubernatorial election as a blemish, others view his court challenge and ultimate respect for the Supreme Court’s ruling as evidence of democratic maturity — a trait increasingly scarce in Nigeria’s high-stakes political landscape. Win for Shettima’s camp? As one of the state coordinators of the Tinubu/Shettima campaign in 2023, Nentawe is no stranger to the current ruling bloc. His loyalty to the Tinubu-Shettima ticket and his grassroots influence in the North-Central make him a valuable ally for the vice president. Some analysts believe that should Tinubu decide not to seek re-election in 2027 — either for personal or political reasons — Shettima’s path to the ticket would be heavily influenced by internal party dynamics. Having an ally at the helm of the party’s national structure could prove decisive. Even if Tinubu runs for a second term, having a Christian national chairman from the North-Central may shield the party from some of the polarization that plagued its 2023 campaign, especially if Shettima is retained as VP. In Nigerian politics, every major party appointment is rarely what it seems on the surface. In Nentawe’s case, the APC appears to have killed multiple birds with one stone: regional balance, religious inclusivity, internal realignment, and technocratic competence. Whether this move will eventually translate into electoral gains remains to be seen. But for now, it’s fair to say that with Nentawe as chairman, the APC is rearming itself structurally and ideologically. And for Kashim Shettima, it might just be the clearest signal yet that his political future within the ruling party is not only secure — but looking increasingly promising. APC chieftains react Former Minister of Communications, Adebayo Shittu, praised Nentawe’s emergence, describing him as a brilliant academic. On whether he believes the new chairman can hold his own against governors and heavyweights in the party, Shittu said he doesn’t see Nentawe as a pushover. “There is no doubt that the governors are gods. There’s no doubt about that. But not being in politics for too long does mean he can’t operate with common sense. “But I pray that he will be able to impress now that he has an opportunity. For as long as he administers the party well and listens to concerns raised by members with a view to addressing them, he will get it right.” Shittu also issued a caution against any attempt to drop Shettima ahead of 2027. “I think the president ought to stabilise the government hierarchy. If he attempts to remove Shettima, the likelihood is that our people and party supporters in North-East are likely to rebel. “It is still in the realm of speculation though. I don’t see him doing that. You know that Shettima is a brilliant man and also very loyal. He has always represented the President admirably.” Another party chieftain from the North-Central, Dominic Alancha also weighed in. He warned against underestimating Nentawe. He said, “Obviously, people don’t know Nentawe. He has been a grassroots person. Otherwise, he wouldn’t have emerged as a governorship candidate and our flag bearer in the 2023 election for our party.” Alancha dismissed age-related criticisms, noting that many past Nigerian leaders took power in their youth. “Those saying he is too young to become APC national chairman should tell us what age was Yakubu Gowon when he became the President… Again, what age was the likes of Obafemi Awolowo when he became a force to reckon with? We can name a whole lot of them.” He added: “What we have been advocating for is to mainstream young people into the leadership position of the party. So Nentawe’s emergence is a plus for APC. He is going to galvanize Nigerian youth into the party. Many people are of the view that if you must be a political party chairman in Nigeria, you must be a former governor.” On whether Nentawe’s emergence can end talks of replacing Shettima, Alancha deferred to the president’s prerogative but emphasized that the North’s ethnic minorities should no longer be overlooked. “The truth of the matter is that in a short while, we are going to demystify the idea that if you are not a Muslim, you cannot deputize a southerner or the belief that the vote that makes Asiwaju the president is the Muslim vote. No, that is not true. Northern ethnic nationalities play a very vital role.” “What I am saying is that whether his running mate is from North East, North Central or anywhere, it is the prerogative of the president to decide.” “Some people from the North West are even saying that they have not even seen the impact of the Muslim-Muslim ticket. It is all about governance. That is where our attention should be,” he argued. With Nentawe now steering the APC, a new chapter may be unfolding — one that could reshape internal dynamics, reframe the party’s national outlook, and potentially brighten the path for Kashim Shettima in 2027.