Lesley Ugochukwu scored a stoppage-time equaliser as bottom side Southampton claimed a thoroughly deserved point at West Ham. The midfielder cancelled out Jarrod Bowen's opener as he thumped the ball in off the post in the 93rd minute at London Stadium. A point means Southampton are up to 11 for the season in total, drawing level with the Derby County side of 2007-08, who hold the unwanted record of fewest points in a Premier League season. Saints have avoided taking that record outright and have five matches to gain another point to move ahead of Derby. Meanwhile, there were boos from the West Ham fans at the final whistle as their winless run in the Premier League extended to six games. The visitors were the better side in the first half with the lively Kamaldeen Sulemana causing West Ham problems. Shortly after Kyle Walker-Peters fired narrowly wide, Sulemana rattled the crossbar when the ball bounced invitingly for him inside the box. But after a dreary showing in the first 45 minutes, Bowen collected Niclas Fullkrug's pass and curled clinically into the far corner at the end of a swift counter-attack two minutes into the second half. That led to a spell of West Ham pressure but Southampton kept it at 1-0 and, as the hosts dropped off, Simon Rusk's men pushed for a leveller. Substitute Tyler Dibling blazed a glorious chance over the bar late on, and a club record-extending 27th league defeat was imminent before Ugochukwu's powerful left-foot strike salvaged a point. In what has been a miserable season, Oguchukwu's goal was a moment of joy for Southampton. More than just a last-gasp equaliser in a game that looked to have got away from them despite a good performance, there was an enormous amount of relief in the wild celebrations from the away end. It was a rare moment as players and fans alike revel in a goal they hope will keep their team's name out of the record books. Another point is still needed to make sure of that - and should it not come before the end of the season, they may rue missing the opportunities that could have got them all three here - but for now, it is a point to savour. By contrast, there can have been few more frustrating days for West Ham since Graham Potter took charge. In glimpses, you can see what the manager wants from his side with quick interchanges between Lucas Paqueta, Mohammed Kudus and Bowen, but they were rare. Barring a 15-minute spell at the start of the second half, it was all too ponderous from the Hammers. That it was mixed with carelessness only invited more problems. Southampton were encouraged and as they took control of the game in the second half the hosts failed to respond. It looked as though they would get away with it - and perhaps a scrappy win is what West Ham need - but eventually they were made to pay. There may not be much left to play for this season but, with frustration growing, Potter and West Ham cannot afford to simply coast through to its conclusion.

FOR a heavily indebted country and its constituent states struggling with their economies and development, the unrelenting agitation for more states is misguided and atavistic. Therefore, the current proposals before the National Assembly to create 31 new states from the existing unproductive and unsustainable 36 states to make 67 states are symptomatic of a political class that is unserious about nation-building, especially given Nigeria’s already skewed federalism. Faced with unending agitation since the start of the Fourth Republic, every NASS has unsuccessfully attempted state creation. The reason is lost on the parliament: federalism grows sustainably when its fundamentals are in operation. Nigeria’s experience during the Independence and Republican eras underscores the strength of true federalism: a lean central government, robust and autonomous regions, productive governments, healthy competition, respect for diversity, and an abiding commitment to the unity and distinctiveness of each region. Where these principles were upheld, good governance, peace, and development followed. Only the Mid-Western Region was created primarily due to the political dynamics between the North and Obafemi Awolowo’s progressive Western Region. In 1960, federalism flourished in Nigeria, as distinct regions shared powers with the centre. Power was devolved, ensuring regional autonomy, with 45 items on the Exclusive List and 26 on the Concurrent List. Each region managed its resources—groundnuts in the North, cocoa in the West, palm products in the East, and the Mid-West—and grew at its own pace. By 1963, the regions had their constitutions, fuelling competitive and sustainable governance. This ended in 1966 when the military seized power, collapsing Nigeria’s federal system into a unitary one—an event whose repercussions continue to haunt the country. The key features of federalism were undermined. As a result, the competition for more states and increasing problems began. The regions were later replaced by states. The military established 12 states in 1967, 19 states in 1976, 21 states in 1987, 30 states in 1991, and 36 states, along with the FCT, in 1996. This atomisation reflected on the economy. Oil was discovered in commercial quantities. Agriculture, the mainstay of the economy, and the competition that came with it were abandoned. The allocation formula that required states to retain 50 per cent of their resources, put 30 per cent into the Distributable Pool, and 20 per cent to the centre was upturned. Conversely, the states and the LGs became subservient to the centre. The robust concurrent list was reviewed in favour of the centre, and states were turned into monthly rent-seekers. It marked the end of economic and development competition and the beginning of corruption and bad governance, culminating in the relentless agitation for more states. The creation of states under the military was easy because it was done by fiat. It has, however, been a nightmare since the advent of the Fourth Republic in 1999. The implications of the creation of more states are legion. It amounts to more states, more troubles. Besides the cumbersomeness, the economic volatility of the existing 36 states and the FCT, and the vertical allocation sharing formula of 52.68 per cent to the Federal Government, 26.72 per cent to the 36 states, and 20.60 per cent to the 774 LGs make state creation impractical and unreasonable. An expanded state structure would see the Federal Government—largely unproductive—retain the lion’s share, while a larger cohort of states squabble over an already insufficient share. This will exacerbate social chaos, deepen poverty, and multiply cost centres at the expense of development. The recent request by Lagos Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu for the inclusion of 37 LCDAs in the Constitution partly highlights the danger: such moves would overwhelm the allocation pool and trigger copycat demands nationwide. The states are after their own, because the higher the number of LGs a state has, the higher its allocations from the centre. An indebted, low-productivity country like Nigeria does not need new states. As of March, states and the FCT had racked up N3.86 trillion in domestic debt. A 2022 report flagged six states, including Katsina, Taraba, and Yobe, as insolvent. The cost of running state bureaucracies is enormous. Between 2018 and 2019, states’ spending rose from N5.12 trillion to N5.26 trillion, with recurrent expenses and loan repayments accounting for an ever-larger share. The pattern is clear: More states breed more corruption. Under President Olusegun Obasanjo, the EFCC alleged that 12 governors were enmeshed in corruption. Now, the EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede, says 18 of the 36 governors are under corruption investigations. Many states struggle to pay the minimum wage, and others have yet to comply. The National President of the Nigeria Union of Teachers, Haruna Kankara, said in April that 20 states had yet to implement the N70,000 minimum wage for LG workers and primary school teachers. Most governors have refused to judiciously utilise the increased allocations accruing to them on account of the fuel subsidy removal and floatation of the naira. They splurge on state airports, convoys of vehicles and aircraft. This suggests that states creation is pyrrhic. Infrastructure development is another casualty. The World Bank Country Director, Nigeria, Shubham Chaudhuri, said that “public spending at both the federal and sub-national levels has been very low.” Nigeria requires between $100 billion and $150 billion annually over the next 30 years to close its infrastructure deficit. By World Bank accounts, 87 per cent of Nigeria’s 200,000km roads are in deplorable condition. The state roads constitute a part of this network. How does the creation of more states surmount these challenges? The creation of more states will shoot election costs to the high heavens and pile enormous pressure on the fragile economy. INEC says it received N313.4 billion for the 2023 general elections. The electoral body proposed N126 billion for the 2025 by-elections alone. State creation is not a cure for Nigeria’s chronic problems of unemployment, economic stagnation, insecurity, poverty, or misgovernance. It is a shortsighted, populist move that will keep the country stagnant. With hindsight, the productive regionalism of the First Republic, with four regions, was more prosperous than the unproductive 36-state structure. This is proof that system fundamentals and good governance, not mere structure, matter most. It is for good reason that the US retains its 50-state structure, Canada its 10-province and three-territory structure, Australia its six-state and two-territory parliament structure, and Germany its 16-lander structure. Nigeria must study why these federal states retain their structures. Sharing allocations is strange to the federal system, or any system of government, for that matter. Nigeria has been a laughing stock for too long. Governments are created to produce and manage resources, not to engage in rent seeking. The country must have a good governance model that will be productive, good governance-inclined, and development-savvy. Consequently, the NASS should stop politicising governance. It should tell the people the truth and do the needful. As the Abia State Governor, Alex Otti, rightly observed, “The country doesn’t require additional states, especially when most of the existing states lack the viability for economic self-sustainability.” This is leadership. This is courage. Other Nigerian leaders must follow this example. As the experience with federalist states shows, productive, dually sovereign, well-governed, autonomous, and competitive states are the strength of federalism and democracy. This is what Nigeria’s political leaders should pursue, not more burdens. True federalism, not endless fragmentation, offers the way forward.

TUNJI Alausa, the Minister of Education, has all but sealed the Federal Government’s plan to eliminate pen and paper in the conduct of the Senior School Certificate Examinations. Starting next year, candidates will sit these exams exclusively on computers, in what is known as computer-based testing. While this shift may seem progressive, Alausa should tread with caution before a seemingly good policy backfires with destructive consequences. After observing a pilot CBT SSCE conducted by the National Examinations Council at a school in Abuja on July 22, Alausa was effusive with praise. “I must tell you I was impressed with what I saw,” he said. “I am a very happy person today that NECO has transitioned from paper-based to CBT. By November this year, both NECO and WAEC exams will be fully CBT. And by 2026, all essays and objective exams will be computer-based.” But are other West African stakeholders following the same path? Deployed correctly, CBT could limit human interference and ease administrative burdens. However, in Nigeria, where millions of pupils, especially in rural areas, have never even seen a computer, let alone operated one, the plan is premature. It is tantamount to putting the cart before the horse. Secondary schools are critical in preparing students for tertiary education and the workforce, but currently, they struggle with poor funding, unqualified teachers, and abysmal infrastructure. Of Nigeria’s N54.99 trillion budget this year, only a meagre 7.08 per cent was allocated to education—a decline from the 8.21 per cent in 2024. This falls far short of UNESCO’s recommended minimum of 15 per cent. This inadequate funding explains why many schools lack basic classrooms, libraries, laboratories, and instructional materials such as computers and other ICT necessities. Stable electricity and reliable internet connectivity are absent in most public schools, making the desired learning outcomes difficult to achieve. This, more than anything else, proves that Nigeria is not yet ready for CBT. Recently, UTME candidates had to sit with candles and lanterns when power cutoffs hit parts of the country at night. Common issues such as unqualified teachers, poor remuneration, and low teacher morale continue to undermine instructional quality. These endemic problems should be resolved before rushing to implement new exam modes. The country carries the heavy burden of 18.3 million out-of-school children, according to UNICEF. More than half of the girls in the North-East and North-West regions do not attend school at all. Prioritising their return to education should precede imposing mandatory CBT for senior secondary school exams. In Borno, Yobe, and Adamawa, over 800 schools reportedly remain closed, with nearly 500 classrooms destroyed and about 1,392 damaged due to the ongoing insurgency. Rehabilitating these war-torn schools must be at the forefront of government efforts, rather than being distracted by a fixation on grandiose exam reforms. Alausa waxed lyrical about patronising CBT centres established by private investors, which only fuels suspicions that the government may have ulterior motives in its rush to enforce CBT. He appears to conflate the SSCE and UTME exams, but they are not the same. The SSCE is a certification exam assessing broad skills like critical thinking and creativity, while the UTME is a selection test focused mainly on objective questions. CBT systems are poorly designed to evaluate the rigorous components of learning measured by SSCE, making it inappropriate to replace traditional essay-based assessments with computer testing. For example, in the United Kingdom, A-Level exams are still conducted in writing, not CBT. Nigeria’s educational policies have a history of chaotic implementation, but reforms must benefit all stakeholders. Teacher training colleges that once produced competent teachers were abolished without replacements. The former A-Level certification, which provided suitable university entry, was also done away with. Likewise, the 6-5-4 education system was changed to a 6-3-3-4 system, aiming to prepare students for vocational skills or self-reliance. It has failed to deliver on either promise.

WITH Nigerians still grappling with soaring prices, deep economic uncertainty, and widespread hardship, the introduction of a 5.0 per cent surcharge on locally produced and imported petrol and diesel set to take effect from January 1, 2026, under the new tax law, is not only untimely but fundamentally unjust. Since President Bola Tinubu removed the petrol subsidy on his Inauguration Day (May 29, 2023), coupled with the subsequent devaluation of the naira, ordinary Nigerians have faced relentless inflation. Food and transportation costs have skyrocketed, with high inflation affecting everything from medical expenses and school fees to telecom services and electricity tariffs. For a population already stretched to its limits, any further increase in petroleum product prices is nothing short of rubbing salt into an open wound. Since May 2023, petrol prices have risen fivefold, and the naira has lost over 60 per cent of its value against the US dollar under Tinubu’s economic reforms. As of July 31, petrol averaged N900 per litre nationwide, compared with N187/pl before Tinubu took office. With this new levy, household budgets, already decimated by the high costs of petrol and diesel that influence everything from the price of beans to bus fares, will be crushed even further. Therefore, it must be expunged from the tax act. Fuel marketers, drivers, farmers, and even human rights advocates have sounded the alarm that another tax on petrol will directly lead to higher transport and commodity costs, worsening the daily hardships faced by millions. The Federal Government’s argument that the surcharge will boost non-oil revenue and promote fiscal sustainability rings hollow, given the severe toll this policy will take on families, small businesses, and the working poor. The Tinubu administration’s focus on revenue generation, seemingly indifferent to the struggles of ordinary people, borders on cruelty. The government claims it has saved about $600 million monthly, and allocations to states have increased by 40 per cent annually since 2023 due to the fuel subsidy removal. So why are Nigerians being taxed further? This defeats the purpose of the tax reforms to reduce the incidence of multiple taxation. While the government projects a N796 billion windfall from this surcharge, it comes at the expense of consumers already suffocating under high inflation, food insecurity, and rising transportation costs. The rationale that these taxes promote fiscal sustainability is weak, especially considering that recent tax reforms were designed to broaden compliance, close revenue leaks, and expand the tax base. As these reforms take effect, there is simply no moral or practical justification for imposing an additional direct tax on essential items like transport fuel. For an administration that claims “renewed hope” as its central theme, this insensitive new tax is a betrayal of that promise. As Akintade Abiodun, National Chairman of the Joint Drivers Welfare Association, aptly puts it, the government is using Nigerians as “lab rats” for unpopular economic decisions. If the government truly wants to raise more revenue from the oil sector, it should answer persistent calls for accountability, enforce fiscal discipline, and plug systemic leakages within the NNPC. It should focus on boosting oil production, selling the bankrupt refineries, and investing in gas gathering, processing facilities, and pipelines to enhance sector performance and profitability. The answer is not to shift the burden onto ordinary citizens under the guise of reform. Recommendations for digital tracking, transparent pricing, and robust oversight to improve efficiency in the oil downstream sector must not be overlooked in favour of the easier path of squeezing Nigerians to the bone. Imposing this new tax at a time when citizens are already reeling from multiple economic shocks reveals a leadership tone-deaf to the suffering of the people. Revenue generation cannot come at the expense of social justice. Fiscal reforms should aim to uplift, not further impoverish, the very citizens the government is meant to serve. This petrol tax should be shelved until the economy and its people have genuinely recovered. To do otherwise is not just bad policy, it is patently unfair.