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Rivers Crisis: Power Struggles And The Future Of Governance

Rivers State, one of Nigeria’s most economically vital regions, is currently at a crossroads. Once known primarily for its oil wealth and economic potential, the state has now become a battleground for political dominance, exposing deep-rooted tensions between former Governor Nyesom Wike and his successor, Governor Siminalayi Fubara. This ongoing crisis raises fundamental questions about governance, loyalty, and the future of democracy in Nigeria. The political tension between Wike and Fubara is anything but ordinary. Initially seen as allies, their relationship has deteriorated into an intense power struggle. Wike, now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, still wields significant influence in Rivers’ politics. However, Fubara, determined to assert his authority as governor, has resisted Wike’s hold on the state’s affairs. This has led to legislative conflicts, attempts to impeach the governor, and an overall sense of instability. At the heart of the conflict is the question of who truly controls Rivers State—the elected governor or his powerful predecessor? This situation is a stark reminder of the “godfather” culture in Nigerian politics, where former leaders seek to maintain dominance long after leaving office. If Rivers State is to move forward, it must break free from this cycle of political control and focus on governance that serves its people. While the political battle rages on, governance in Rivers State has suffered. The crisis has overshadowed pressing issues such as infrastructure development, security, and economic growth. The state, which should be focusing on improving the lives of its citizens, is instead consumed by power struggles. Investors and business owners are growing wary of the instability. When politics takes centre stage, the economy often takes a backseat. The people of Rivers State deserve leadership that prioritises progress over personal rivalries. The longer this conflict drags on, the more the state risks economic decline and social unrest. President Bola Tinubu’s administration cannot afford to ignore the crisis in Rivers State. While federal intervention should be measured, it is crucial to ensure that democracy and the rule of law are upheld. There must be a clear distinction between political influence and governance. If the situation is mishandled, it could set a dangerous precedent for other states, encouraging further power struggles across Nigeria. The only way out of this crisis is through genuine dialogue and compromise. Governor Fubara must be allowed to govern without undue interference, while Wike must recognise that leadership transitions require letting go of power. State legislature, rather than being a tool for political manoeuvring, should act as an independent body focused on the interests of the people. Rivers State has too much potential to be held hostage by political conflict. Its leaders must rise above personal interests and commit to building a stable, prosperous future. People deserve nothing less. George Brian writes via [email protected]  

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Enough Of Horror On The Bloody Otedola Bridge In Lagos

Sir Michael Otedola served as the ninth governor of Lagos State between 1992 and 1993. His brief statesmanship was considered momentous enough by Lagos State to have an estate, Otedola Estate, named after him. The estate is situated just beside the now popular Otedola Bridge. Without an official stamp, Otedola Bridge was appropriated by public sentiment as an extension of the estate. While the estate has lost its original allure and faded into obscurity, the non-christened Otedola Bridge, located a few meters from the Lagos end of the boundary between Lagos and Ogun States on the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway, has become more popular. However, Otedola Bridge now occupies a big spot in the book of infamy in Lagos as it has become a killing field with records of disasters and fatalities that have made the ground around it blood-soaked. The former governor’s reign now seems to be more remembered by the bridge than by whatever achievements his administration made. The bridge is currently known more for being a black spot, short of calling it a slaughter slab for commuters through auto crashes that occur there frequently. Otedola Bridge has cut short many lives in contrast to the quiet life of Baba Otedola, nicknamed Baba Go Slow, as a governor then.  Until concrete steps are taken beyond grieving and messages of condolence, the end may not be in sight for the disasters on the spot. Like other big cities, Lagos has many ugly spots, but when it comes to danger zones, no spot beats Otedola Bridge’s notoriety. Approaching the Otedola Bridge is enough to make one develop what psychologists call panic disorder or irrational terror. Some indeed develop a paralysing phobia and crippling fear whenever they have to be on the bridge. Do not blame them. Records of accidents and horror on that spot are alarming. That is why commuters on that bridge do not stop praying until they have crossed the zone. Though saying prayers is good while on the road, this has not helped much, and that is why accidents keep re-occurring there, recording fatalities at each strike. Being a busy road, accidents on the bridge always involve multiple vehicles and casualties. It has become a risky adventure commuting on the bridge, and many do that daily out of necessity. For decades, the spot of about 50 meters has been painted regularly with the blood of the young and old. It has nothing to do with the work of the demons. It is simply a consequence of the road conditions, engineering defects, and environmental factors, in addition to the carelessness of some drivers. The inherent hazards on that stretch include cliffs, sharp curves, heavy traffic, and poor road design. All these make it difficult for tanker drivers, especially to manoeuvre. If the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics were to keep records of deaths that occur on Nigerian bridges, the Otedola Bridge would be at the top.  In early March, a young couple, a banker with Zenith Bank, Chiedozie Okoye, and his wife of two weeks, Joan Chidalu, an America-based nurse, became the latest victims as they perished in the inferno that engulfed the area when a trailer fell, characteristic of the accidents on that spot. On January 7 of this year, an accident occurred on the same bridge with a casualty.  A series of accidents had continued to occur on the spot, but that of June 28, 2018, was more horrific. 12 persons were roasted in the fire that erupted when a petrol tanker fell and exploded that sad Thursday evening, in addition to 54 vehicles that were burnt. The Otedola Bridge now occupies a space among the world’s list of bridges with records of regular disasters like George Washington Bridge (New York City, USA), Golden Gate Bridge (San Francisco, USA), Tsing Ma Bridge (Hong Kong), Seohae Bridge (South Korea) and Rio-Niteroi Bridge (Brazil), among others. Lagos State seems to have only mastered the response template of sending rescue missions each time a disaster strikes there. The reactive effort is limited to putting out fires and managing traffic. The state seems not to know what to do to prevent accidents on that spot. The emphasis has been on rescuing and not prevention. This is grossly unsatisfactory and indefensible. Right, the road belongs to the Federal Government, but to say that Lagos is not doing enough is an understatement as the first primary stakeholder. The government may be busy with many other public interest projects, but what is more important than the safety of lives? Why can’t Lagos move to repair the section and claim a refund later from the Federal Government, as it has done on several federal projects done in the state? The efforts of the state government have not measured up to this death trap. The coordination of efforts by the Federal and Lagos State Governments is required on the bridge. It is expected that the Federal Ministry of Works, as the owner, should take concrete actions to effect corrections on the defective engineering design on that section and deal with other sundry causes of regular crashes. But characteristic of slow institutional response to serious matters, calamities on the bridge seem not alarming enough to warrant an emergency response from appropriate authorities. Maybe they are waiting for a king to die on the bridge before acting.  One would have also thought that the ongoing expansion and reconstruction on the expressway by Julius Berger should be used to correct whatever defects exist on that section of the road. A remedial approach is urgently needed, as it was done for the Millau Viaduct Bridge (France), Tacoma-style retrofit (Canada), Tyne Bridge (UK), Story Bridge (Australia), and even in the Maputo-Katembe Bridge (Mozambique) in 2019. Some years ago, the Ojo end of the Lagos-Ibadan Expressway used to be plagued with similar experiences of recurring road accidents, but after the reconstruction work and the erection of a massive roundabout at the site of the frequent fatal accidents, the demons there vanished, and accidents gradually became history. It is hoped that if the same responsive action were taken at the Otedola Bridge, especially along the steep spots, in addition to other safety measures, safety would return to the site. There has also not been enough advocacy from stakeholders expected to show more interest in the road. The Nigerian Society of Engineers, the Federal Road Safety Commission, and civil society organisations have not shown enough interest in the calamity taking place on the bridge by constantly drawing the attention of the authorities to it. A convocation of stakeholders on this very important arterial road that connects the nation’s commercial centre to the rest of the country is very important. The Nigerian media also do not see the disasters on the Otedola Bridge beyond the breaking news. The havoc on that bridge qualifies it to be a development news that should constantly be in the media’s searchlight until concerted and concrete action is taken. The agenda-setting role of the media in this hot zone is required. Stakeholders have, in the past, identified several causes of accidents on the Otedola Bridge. According to safety experts, the main causes include the overloading of tankers, speeding, poor road design, lack of enforcement, and inadequate maintenance. To address these issues, stakeholders recommended measures for the reconstruction of the bridge and the implementation of weighbridges to prevent overloaded trucks from using the bridge, among others. A road safety expert and Executive Director of Safety Beyond Borders, Adenusi Patrick, attributed the recurring incidents to include traffic, uneasy movement, and overload, while also recommending the need for reconstruction in the area. “Looking at the capacity of the vehicles that are used, most of the trucks are overloaded; therefore, when climbing a hill, there will be a problem. Most trucks are overloaded. Descending the slope is not an issue for them, but ascending is a challenge. It happens more often when there is traffic on the road. The load that the tractor is pulling is heavier than the truck,” he explained. On the construction solution, he said, “The government should reconstruct by reducing the depth of the bridge. The depth of the valley on the road can be reduced. I have shared this with Julius Berger and the Lagos State Government.” Health, safety and environment expert, Segun Bakare, blamed the recurrence of accidents on poor implementation and a lack of effective actions by regulatory agencies and the government. “We should go back to the previous actions that were taken in alliance with different regulatory bodies, including NUPENG, Manufacturing Association of Nigeria, and Lagos Safety Council, among others, where some action points were taken. We should review the effectiveness of the action and find out how many of them have been implemented,” he said. Incidentally, former Governor Sir Michael Otedola, who died in 2014, was the father of Mr Femi Otedola, a successful businessman and great philanthropist. But Mr Femi Otedola’s philanthropic Google had yet to see the volume of deaths that have taken place on a bridge named after his father as a concern. A moral obligation is thus placed on the young Otedola to intervene in the state of that bridge, as he has done on projects in which his family has no affiliation. Stopping death on the Otedola Bridge should be a project for all. So, if you need to pass through Otedola Bridge, do not stop praying until you have crossed the Rubicon.

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News_Naija

Battle For Anambra: Zoning, Politics And The Future

From the primaries of the three major parties — All Progressives Grand Alliance, All Progressives Congress, and Labour Party — in Anambra State, one clear picture has emerged: Anambra 2025 is shaping up to be an affair dominated by contestants from the south of the state. This aligns with the spirit of the zoning in the state, almost suggesting that the zone will produce the next governor, whether or not it is Prof. Charles Soludo, the incumbent, who hails from the south of the state. But beneath the surface of this regional alignment lie deep undercurrents of debate, destiny, political pragmatism, and strategic foresight, as illuminated by commentators actively engaging with the evolving gubernatorial race. The most contentious and recurring theme in Nigeria’s elections is zoning. For many, the emergence of candidates from Anambra South across all major parties is a tacit reaffirmation of an “unspoken gentleman’s agreement”—a regional power-sharing formula that has apparently brought relative peace and political balance to the state. For many from Anambra South, any effort to challenge this unwritten rule is “fighting fate,” meaning that politicians from other zones are showing respect for the spirit of the moment. However, this confidence in zoning is not absolute. As an indigene of Anambra State, I have always joined the school of thought that urges caution, arguing that the much-touted zoning holds at the time only if Soludo wins re-election. A fresh winner from the South could reset the zoning clock with their own ambition for a second term, potentially reigniting regional tensions. Therefore, the idea that zoning is “settled” remains a political illusion subject to the dynamics of ambition and future negotiations. Governor Charles Soludo’s position as the APGA candidate —returned unopposed —has fortified perceptions of him as a “child of destiny”, especially among his supporters. As such, the November 8, 2025, election is seen as Soludo’s to lose, with the political mood favourably aligned with his continued leadership. By implication, the opposition—namely George Muoghalu of Labour and Nicholas Ukachukwu of APC—should consider stepping aside and allow Soludo to complete the traditional eight years allocated to a governor from Anambra South. But not everyone is convinced Soludo’s position is unassailable. while optimistic, some analysts advise caution because Nigerian politics is fraught with unpredictability—usually known and referred to as the “Nigerian factor”. For instance, with surprise victories in Edo, Imo, and Kogi, no one should dismiss the possibility of federal influence, party intrigue, or elite conspiracies shifting the tide. The candidacy of Nicholas Ukachukwu has also sparked critical commentary, with many labelling his political journey as a series of “misadventures”. A successful businessman, Ukachukwu has switched parties multiple times in pursuit of leadership, but success has consistently eluded him. Critics argue that his repeated failures stem not from lack of ambition but a misjudgment of political realities and overreliance on financial muscle. One commentator described Ukachukwu’s efforts as a “wild goose chase”, rooted more in ego than electability. Yet, others acknowledge his resilience and willingness to stay the course, even when the odds are clearly stacked against him—a quality that, while admirable, may still not yield electoral victory in 2025. There is a clear consensus among contributors that Anambra remains largely unreceptive to the APC brand. With the party weakened by the loss of Senator Ifeanyi Ubah and lacking formidable grassroots structures, commentators doubt that federal backing alone can deliver the state. Comparisons with Edo and Imo are dismissed by some, who argue that those victories were enabled by powerful political “generals” and fractured opposition—not merely Abuja’s influence. Moreover, Soludo is credited with being politically savvy—positioning himself strategically with federal actors to avoid isolation. His ability to secure federal appointments for APGA loyalists has reportedly weakened any APC-based plans to unseat him. Observers note that the opposition’s candidate choices have done little to unsettle APGA’s dominance, lamenting the missed opportunity for a real contest involving figures like Kingsley Moghalu. While 2025 may seem like Soludo’s to win, some commentators are more concerned about the post-Soludo era. Who he chooses as a successor and how APGA prepares for the transition will determine whether the party can sustain its hold on Anambra politics. The conversation is gradually shifting from just electoral victory to legacy building and strategic succession. As the 2025 gubernatorial race approaches, Anambra finds itself at a critical juncture. Zoning, while reaffirmed in practice, remains a contested concept. The incumbent rides a wave of regional sentiment and political goodwill, but nothing is guaranteed in Nigeria’s fluid political landscape. The opposition, divided and lacking a compelling candidate, appears unprepared for the uphill battle. Yet, democracy thrives on contests, and Anambra’s citizens are watching closely—not just for who wins, but for who articulates the most inclusive and forward-looking vision for the state. • Dr Marcel Mbamalu, a Jefferson Journalism Fellow, member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors and Communications Consultant, is the publisher of Prime Business Africa

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Nigerias Inflation Jumps To 24.23% In March.