The emergence of Prof Nentawe Yilwatda as National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress on Tuesday is already generating ripples across Nigeria’s political space — and with good reason, ADEBAYO FOLORUNSHO-FRANCIS reports With the choice of a young professor as the national chairman of the biggest political party in Africa, many political observers have posited that President Bola Tinubu deserves his flowers. It was like a thunderbolt. Not many people saw it coming. However, beneath the routine nature of Thursday’s confirmation of the National Executive Committee lies a complex matrix of power balancing, ethnic and religious realignments and 2027 succession politics. With former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Labour Party’s Peter Obi still casting long shadows across the political horizon, the APC leadership knows it cannot afford internal fractures. Nentawe’s selection appears to be a deliberate countermeasure — not just a response to former party chairman Umar Ganduje’s exit, but a strategic move to reposition the party for broader acceptability and cohesion, particularly ahead of the next presidential election. De-escalation of political tension One of the unspoken tensions in APC’s zoning arrangement had been the precarious situation of Vice President Kashim Shettima, who hails from Borno State in the North-East. Before Nentawe’s emergence, the acting APC National Chairman, Ali Dalori, was also from the same geopolitical zone — a configuration many insiders believed could complicate Shettima’s political viability in 2027, should he seek to remain as running mate or emerge as a presidential contender. The appointment of Nentawe, who hails from the North-Central zone (Plateau State), neutralises this zoning conflict. It effectively removes the threat of regional redundancy at the top party echelon, a concern that could have tilted the balance against Shettima when high-level succession plans come under scrutiny. By reassigning the powerful office of national chairman away from the North-East, the APC appears to have restored a delicate regional equilibrium — one that could keep Shettima’s 2027 prospects alive, or even strengthened. However, there are growing concerns within political and insider circles that another influential stalwart of the APC from the North-East, and the current National Security Adviser, Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, is being quietly positioned as a potential replacement for Vice President Shettima ahead of the 2027 presidential race.
Ribadu, a former chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, is reportedly enjoying strong backing from a shadowy network of power brokers and inner-circle figures close to the Presidency.
These individuals are believed to be plotting a dramatic reshuffle that could upend the existing power structure within the APC.
Despite the increasing speculation and whispers in Abuja corridors of power, Ribadu has consistently avoided addressing the matter directly. He has tactfully deflected or declined to respond to such insinuations at public functions and in private discussions, fuelling further speculation about whether his silence is strategic or coincidental. The Christian factor More subtly — but just as significantly — Nentawe’s Christian faith provides a much-needed religious counterbalance within the APC, especially following the Tinubu-Shettima Muslim-Muslim ticket that drew strong criticism in 2023. For a party that needs to regain the trust of Christian voters across the Middle Belt and Southern Nigeria, this is more than symbolic. Nentawe’s emergence may help pacify concerns about marginalization, particularly in the North-Central region where religious plurality often shapes political loyalty. As the son of a reverend and a respected technocrat with wide appeal among Christian communities, Nentawe brings a moral and cultural nuance the party desperately needs. His Christian identity, coupled with Shettima’s Islamic background, subtly rebuilds a narrative of inclusion — and could become a selling point for the APC in regions previously alienated by its ticket choices. The North-Central zone had previously held the APC chairmanship through Senator Abdullahi Adamu before he was replaced by Kano-born Abdullahi Ganduje in a move that attracted internal criticism. The return of the chairmanship to the zone can be interpreted as a strategic peace offering — and a bid to re-secure the allegiance of a region that has oscillated in its loyalty since 2015. Governor Hope Uzodimma, who moved the motion for zoning the chairmanship back to the North-Central and nominated Nentawe, perhaps articulated the party’s intent: to reengage and reenergize its base in the Middle Belt. Nentawe’s close relationship with former Plateau Governor Simon Lalong further reinforces this political realignment. Technocrat turned politician Nentawe brings more than zoning comfort to the table. His pedigree as a university professor, digital governance expert, and former INEC commissioner gives him a unique technocratic edge. His extensive work with international partners like the UN, World Bank, and EU adds global credibility to his portfolio. Moreover, his previous role as Director of ICT at the Federal University of Agriculture, Makurdi, and as Plateau’s 2023 APC governorship candidate, underscores a dual identity as both scholar and strategist. While some may see his loss to the PDP in the Plateau gubernatorial election as a blemish, others view his court challenge and ultimate respect for the Supreme Court’s ruling as evidence of democratic maturity — a trait increasingly scarce in Nigeria’s high-stakes political landscape. Win for Shettima’s camp? As one of the state coordinators of the Tinubu/Shettima campaign in 2023, Nentawe is no stranger to the current ruling bloc. His loyalty to the Tinubu-Shettima ticket and his grassroots influence in the North-Central make him a valuable ally for the vice president. Some analysts believe that should Tinubu decide not to seek re-election in 2027 — either for personal or political reasons — Shettima’s path to the ticket would be heavily influenced by internal party dynamics. Having an ally at the helm of the party’s national structure could prove decisive. Even if Tinubu runs for a second term, having a Christian national chairman from the North-Central may shield the party from some of the polarization that plagued its 2023 campaign, especially if Shettima is retained as VP. In Nigerian politics, every major party appointment is rarely what it seems on the surface. In Nentawe’s case, the APC appears to have killed multiple birds with one stone: regional balance, religious inclusivity, internal realignment, and technocratic competence. Whether this move will eventually translate into electoral gains remains to be seen. But for now, it’s fair to say that with Nentawe as chairman, the APC is rearming itself structurally and ideologically. And for Kashim Shettima, it might just be the clearest signal yet that his political future within the ruling party is not only secure — but looking increasingly promising. APC chieftains react Former Minister of Communications, Adebayo Shittu, praised Nentawe’s emergence, describing him as a brilliant academic. On whether he believes the new chairman can hold his own against governors and heavyweights in the party, Shittu said he doesn’t see Nentawe as a pushover. “There is no doubt that the governors are gods. There’s no doubt about that. But not being in politics for too long does mean he can’t operate with common sense. “But I pray that he will be able to impress now that he has an opportunity. For as long as he administers the party well and listens to concerns raised by members with a view to addressing them, he will get it right.” Shittu also issued a caution against any attempt to drop Shettima ahead of 2027. “I think the president ought to stabilise the government hierarchy. If he attempts to remove Shettima, the likelihood is that our people and party supporters in North-East are likely to rebel. “It is still in the realm of speculation though. I don’t see him doing that. You know that Shettima is a brilliant man and also very loyal. He has always represented the President admirably.” Another party chieftain from the North-Central, Dominic Alancha also weighed in. He warned against underestimating Nentawe. He said, “Obviously, people don’t know Nentawe. He has been a grassroots person. Otherwise, he wouldn’t have emerged as a governorship candidate and our flag bearer in the 2023 election for our party.” Alancha dismissed age-related criticisms, noting that many past Nigerian leaders took power in their youth. “Those saying he is too young to become APC national chairman should tell us what age was Yakubu Gowon when he became the President… Again, what age was the likes of Obafemi Awolowo when he became a force to reckon with? We can name a whole lot of them.” He added: “What we have been advocating for is to mainstream young people into the leadership position of the party. So Nentawe’s emergence is a plus for APC. He is going to galvanize Nigerian youth into the party. Many people are of the view that if you must be a political party chairman in Nigeria, you must be a former governor.” On whether Nentawe’s emergence can end talks of replacing Shettima, Alancha deferred to the president’s prerogative but emphasized that the North’s ethnic minorities should no longer be overlooked. “The truth of the matter is that in a short while, we are going to demystify the idea that if you are not a Muslim, you cannot deputize a southerner or the belief that the vote that makes Asiwaju the president is the Muslim vote. No, that is not true. Northern ethnic nationalities play a very vital role.” “What I am saying is that whether his running mate is from North East, North Central or anywhere, it is the prerogative of the president to decide.” “Some people from the North West are even saying that they have not even seen the impact of the Muslim-Muslim ticket. It is all about governance. That is where our attention should be,” he argued. With Nentawe now steering the APC, a new chapter may be unfolding — one that could reshape internal dynamics, reframe the party’s national outlook, and potentially brighten the path for Kashim Shettima in 2027.

Two years after its assent, President Bola Tinubu’s Electricity Act is facing major tests, sparking crises between state regulators and operators, reports DARE OLAWIN When President Bola Tinubu signed the Electricity Act into law in 2023, the purpose was to decentralise power by removing it from the exclusive legislative list. This was also intended to give sub-national entities the power to generate, transmit and distribute electricity. The states would also have the authority to regulate their electricity markets, granting licences to power generators, distributors and others in the value chain within their jurisdictions. Aside from decentralisation, the Act also introduced amendments to existing laws governing the Nigerian electricity supply industry. The Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission wasted no time in implementing the Act, issuing various orders and regulations aimed at transforming the sector and attracting investors. The Act has been described by stakeholders as a milestone for the power sector. Many have argued that it could end the nation’s electricity woes. Tinubu and his supporters have also rated the Electricity Act as a major achievement of the current administration — though it did not originate the bill. However, recent developments have created apprehension in the sector. Stakeholders fear that the Act could spell doom if not well-managed or properly harnessed. It appears the Electricity Act is undergoing a test of its viability in the power sector, especially as states become autonomous in regulating their electricity markets. Within two years of its enactment, the law is now up for a second amendment in the Senate, facing stiff resistance from the 36 state governors and organised labour. According to a NERC report, the commission has transferred regulatory oversight over intra-state electricity markets to Edo, Ekiti, Enugu, Imo, Kogi, Lagos, Niger, Ogun, Ondo and Oyo, through regulatory institutions established by those states, pursuant to the provisions for the orderly transfer of regulatory oversight specified in Section 230 of the Electricity Act. It stated that full regulatory oversight would be transferred to Plateau on September 12, while preparatory transfer readiness notices have been received from Abia and Delta states. Tariff crisis The recent tariff adjustment by the Enugu Electricity Regulatory Commission sparked major controversy in the sector, and the dust has yet to settle. The EERC had issued a tariff order to MainPower Electricity Distribution Limited, revising the electricity cost for Band A customers from N209 per kilowatt-hour to N160/kWh, effective August 1, 2025. MainPower, the utility that succeeded the Enugu Electricity Distribution Company after the state received NERC approval to manage its electricity market, was asked to reduce the Band A tariff to reflect the peculiarities of Enugu State. The commission said its decision was cost-reflective, insisting that “the tariff must reflect the power generation subsidy by the Federal Government for the benefit of electricity consumers.” The EERC Chairman Chijioke Okonkwo said the reduction in tariff became imperative following the commission’s review of MainPower’s tariff and licence applications. “We reviewed their entire costs, using our Tariff Methodology Regulations 2024 and the supporting Distribution Tariff Model, to get an average price of N94. The price is low because the Federal Government has been subsidising electricity generation costs, which cover only N45 out of the actual cost of N112. That was how we arrived at the average tariff of N94 as a cost-reflective tariff at our level as a sub-national electricity market. “Breaking this across the various tariff bands means that Band A will be paying N160, while other Bands B, C, D and E are frozen. Band A, at N160, will help MainPower to manage the rate shock, and if the subsidy is removed, the savings will assist them in stabilising the tariff over a defined period. Nevertheless, at all times, the tariff will be cost-reflective and will not require any state subsidy,” Okonkwo stated. He noted, however, that the N160 Band A tariff could be difficult to sustain should the Federal Government remove the generation tariff subsidy currently enjoyed by electricity consumers across the country, as tariffs would likely rise beyond these new rates. But the Enugu tariff cut triggered disagreements. Power generation companies responded swiftly, accusing Enugu of plans to deepen the sector’s indebtedness by relying on Federal Government subsidies. The distribution companies argued that the state should be prepared to pay the shortfall if it wanted to reduce the Band A tariff below actual cost. This same position was echoed by the Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu. The Chief Executive Officer of the Association of Power Generation Companies, Joy Ogaji, warned that the Enugu’s decision relied on questionable subsidy assumptions and posed serious risks to the country’s fragile power sector. She said the tariff revision set a precedent for other states and failed to reflect the true cost of electricity generation. Ogaji stated that there is no existing government policy on subsidies, only growing debt, questioning why the Enugu State Government was placing more burden on generation companies, who already bear the brunt of unpaid subsidies. “The N45 per kWh being covered leaves a 60 per cent cost gap that the EERC assumed would be filled by the Federal Government, despite no official or cash-backed subsidies in place. This tariff issued by the EERC has set a precedent for all other states. From their tariff order, only N45 is captured for the generation cost out of N112. This portends a bigger issue in the decentralisation of electricity to the states. “Does this position mean the EERC expects the Federal Government to continue subsidising its electricity? How does the EERC account for its share of accumulated sector debt — or is it assuming assets without liabilities? Shouldn’t the EERC be designing its tariffs to eliminate dependence on the Federal Government and make its market attractive to investors?” she queried. Ogaji recalled that power generators are collectively owed over N4tn — including another N1.2tn in the first half of 2025 — and warned against further debt accumulation. Similarly, the CEO of the Association of Nigerian Electricity Distributors, Sunday Oduntan, told Enugu and other states planning tariff cuts to be prepared to cover the shortfall. NERC also reminded the EERC that it does not have jurisdiction over generation and transmission, as those remain under the purview of the Federal Government. The battle continues as the EERC insists on its new tariff. The Special Adviser to the Enugu State Governor on Power, Joe Aneke, responded to NERC on Saturday, saying the state did not tamper with the cost of generation and transmission. He said the EERC only reviewed MainPower’s distribution costs before reducing the tariff. Notably, other states like Lagos, Ondo and Plateau are also working towards cutting tariffs. State vs Senate Before the tariff crisis, the Forum of Commissioners of Power and Energy in Nigeria had opposed a bill in the Senate seeking to amend the Electricity Act. The forum expressed surprise and concern regarding the proposed Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025, describing the move as premature. According to the forum, more than 16 states have passed their own electricity laws since the enactment of the Electricity Act in 2023. They criticised the lack of consultation with state governments or their respective electricity regulators during the drafting and presentation of the amendment bill in the Senate. “This oversight is particularly concerning given the significant strides made in decentralising Nigeria’s electricity sector. The Electricity Act 2023 stands as a signature achievement of President Bola Tinubu’s administration. Its enactment followed the groundbreaking fifth alteration to the 1999 Constitution, which decisively removed ambiguities regarding the ability of states to legislate and regulate electricity markets within their territories. This transformative legislation has since catalysed a wave of reforms, empowering sub-national governments to drive electricity development, attract investment and address their citizens’ unique power needs. “It is therefore surprising that within two years of its passage, the Electricity Act 2023 is now subject to sweeping amendments to key provisions, without any consultation whatsoever with state governments or their regulatory institutions,” the commissioners said. The states described the bill as a “backdoor amendment” to the 1999 Constitution, arguing that it seeks to reintroduce constraints that were explicitly removed. They said several provisions of the bill violate constitutional federalism and could derail progress in decentralising the power sector. “If passed, the amendment bill will create constitutional conflict between the Federal Government and the states, as well as legal and regulatory clashes between federal and state regulators. It undermines the principle of cooperative federalism and invites judicial challenges,” they warned. They further argued that the amendment “surprisingly seeks to entrench a subsidy regime in the power sector,” despite a sector debt burden of over N5tn. Just like Enugu, the forum maintained that NERC does not have overriding regulatory authority over electricity distribution and tariff setting, noting that the fifth constitutional alteration and the 2023 Act give states exclusive jurisdiction over electricity distribution, whether connected to the national grid or not. The forum stated, “We firmly believe that this is not the right time for an amendment to the Electricity Act 2023, as the Act is still in its early implementation phase. Several states have only just begun operationalising their laws to build viable electricity markets. We therefore call on the National Assembly to suspend further consideration of the bill.” Separately, Lagos State Commissioner for Energy and Mineral Resources, Biodun Ogunleye, alleged that the bill was sponsored by the Discos to frustrate state efforts. “You know we are battling with our Discos; they are not in agreement with anything we are doing. The Discos are the ones behind this amendment bill that is in the Senate,” he said. Labour unions kick Amid the tariff crisis, organised labour raised the alarm about plans to bar trade unions in the power sector from embarking on strikes or picketing without a formally negotiated Minimum Service Agreement. The Nigeria Labour Congress, Trade Union Congress and National Union of Electricity Employees on Thursday resisted the proposed strike ban contained in the Electricity Act (Amendment) Bill, 2025. A draft of the bill declares the generation, transmission and distribution of electricity in Nigeria as essential services, thereby placing restrictions on industrial action by sector workers. The amendment states that no employee or trade union in the Nigerian electricity supply industry shall embark on any strike, lockout, picketing or other industrial action that would disrupt or halt generation, transmission, system operations or the supply of electricity, except as provided for under a duly negotiated and approved Minimum Service Agreement. “Any person who contravenes the provisions of subsection (1) of this section commits an offence and shall, upon conviction, be liable to a fine of N2m or imprisonment for up to five years, or both,” the draft reads. Reacting, NLC Chairman Joe Ajaero fumed: “Banning workers from acting entirely is akin to beating a child and telling them not to cry. It’s unrealistic. If passed, this law will be violated immediately because it is unjust and unworkable. You can’t expect employees to remain silent if their wages are withheld or their conditions worsen. That’s a human rights issue. “The 2023 Electricity Act was about deregulating the power sector, allowing states to set up their own electricity markets and promoting renewable energy integration. That’s its purpose — not labour control. Lawmakers must understand that the Electricity Act is not a labour law.” As the Electricity Act encounters multiple tests and challenges, stakeholders have called on regulators, operators, and labour leaders to come together at a roundtable for the overall benefit of the nation. Individuals and groups must drop selfish interests and chart a new course for the struggling power sector. Only then can Nigerians truly reap the benefits of the Electricity Act. The growing tensions between states, federal regulators, market operators and labour unions reveal deep cracks in Nigeria’s push for power sector reform. What was once hailed as a revolutionary policy is now caught in legal, regulatory and political crossfire. With the much-desired decentralisation already underway, stakeholders said only genuine collaboration, clarity of roles and respect for the constitution can prevent Tinubu’s Electricity Act from becoming another chapter in Nigeria’s long list of failed power sector interventions.

ABIODUN NEJO writes on the dilapidated federal roads in Ekiti State and the need for urgent attention The federal roads in Ekiti State have remained in deplorable condition year in year out leaving road users from and outside the state in pains, anguish and at a loss. The federal roads in the state included the Akure – Ado Ekiti Road, Ado Ekiti – Ikare Road, Ado – Ifaki – Oye – Ikole – Omuo Road and the Ado – Aramoko – Itawure Road. While the Ado – Akure Road takes traffic to and from Ekiti and Ondo states and beyond, the Ado – Ikare Road connects Ekiti and Ondo states to Abuja , the northern parts of the country and as well the Southwestern states. The same is applicable to Ado – Ifaki – Oye – Ikole – Omuo Road and the Ado – Aramoko – Itawure Road. The roads are ever-busy with cars, buses and articulated trucks due to their connective roles between North and the Southwest zones and as well neighbouring communities. However, Ekiti State Government is about completing rehabilitation of Ado-Igali Road. Also, the Ado-Akure Road is receiving attention as Federal Government contractors are working on the road. The coming of the rainy season this year has added salt to the injury for users of the various federal roads who have to contend with being stranded from one point to the other on the roads. Travelers, who have to ply two or three of the federal roads to access their destinations have sad experiences to relate as they now spend longer hours or days on the roads. Also, there have been frequent incidents of fallen trucks, with some trapped in the middle of the roads in the process of negotiating the bad portions, causing gridlocks that take long hours or days to clear. An elder statesman and former Secretary General, Yoruba Council of Elders, Dr Kunle Olajide, who aptly captured the condition of the federal roads in the state, called for urgent attention of governments. Olajide, while making “an urgent appeal for remedial measures to address poor condition of key roads in Ekiti State,” recalled the appeal of Afe Babalola University, Ado Ekiti on the road to the institution, the Ado – Ijan Road portion of Ado – Ikare Road. The university management had on June 2025 raised an alarm regarding the threat to access to the institution, the Ekiti State Cargo Airport, and other establishments and communities along the Ado – Ijan axis due to the deteriorating condition of the road. Olajide said, “I am particularly concerned, and it should concern all Ekiti people that ABUAD, with record breaking achievements in entrepreneurial development, commercial agriculture, medical services, innovative research and community impact, is at risk of being cut off from its major access route. “The situation of the road definitely demands a more effective intervention which should be immediate. I therefore appeal to Ekiti State Government to collaborate with the Federal Controller of Works in the state to implement prompt measures that will prevent the total collapse of the road. “I understand that the story of the poor state of the Ado – Ijan Road is similar to those of many sections of federal roads that traverse Ekiti State such that road travelers are compelled to seek tortuously long alternative routes in their quest to get to their destinations. “I am told that after Ijan Ekiti, a section of the Ijan – Ikare Road just before Iluomoba is very bad. I am also aware that for more than three years, the Odo Ayedun – Ayebode section of the Ifaki – Omuo Road has been in a very parlous state.  “I have heard that since the onset of this year’s rains, the Igede – Aramoko section has deteriorated and that the Aramoko – Itawure section has broken down completely. These are not cheering reports. “I am told that it is now very difficult to get a public transport that would pass through Efon and Aramoko on a journey from the Lagos/Abeokuta/Ibadan axis to Ado Ekiti because of the poor state of the road from Itawure to Aramoko to Igede This is very sad”. “I want to use this opportunity to call on the Federal Government to, as a matter of utmost urgency, intervene and commence comprehensive repairs and rehabilitation of federal roads within Ekiti State. “Timely action in this regard will greatly enhance the lives of our people and advance the socio-economic development of the state. Our representatives in the National Assembly should do all they can to pass this message across to the appropriate quarters and follow it up,” the elder statesman concluded. ABUAD Deputy Vice Chancellor, Administration, Prof. Supo Ijabadeniyi, had at a press conference in Ado Ekiti to celebrate the ranking of the institution as among best 100 universities in the world, called for the repair of the Ado – Ijan Road. Ijabadeniyi said, “If the university is more accessible, it will attract patronage from both local and international audience as a result of which it would win more laurels for the state and country at large”. Residents of Ekiti State and as well users of the road cannot but recall the promises of the Federal Government concerning federal roads in the state. The Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, the National Assembly member representing Ekiti Central Senatorial District, last year disclosed that President Bola Tinubu had approved the construction of the Ado – Ijan – Ikare Road. Also, in March 2024, the Minister of Works, Dave Umahi, promised that the Federal Government would speed up work to ensure timely completion of Ekiti roads for the citizens’ benefits of and economic development of the state. And in September last year, the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, announced that the Federal Executive Council had approved contract for the rehabilitation of Iyamoye (Kogi State) – Omuo – Ikole – Ifaki – Ado Ekiti. But the roads are getting worse, tortuous and agonising many months after. In November last year, placards-carrying students of Federal University Oye Ekiti stormed the office of the Federal Roads Maintenance Agency in Ado Ekiti to protest accidents and deaths of their colleagues due to the poor condition of the Ifaki – Ikole – Oye Road. The students had, during the protest, given the Federal Government 48 hours ultimatum to begin repairs on the federal road, saying, “Tragically, this road has been in state of disrepair for an extended period leading to numerous accidents, loss of lives and untold hardship”. FERMA Federal Road Maintenance Engineer, Simon Adeniyi, reacting to the students’ demands, affirmed that the Federal Government had awarded the contract for the road’s repair, assuring that work would soon begin, saying, “I assure you that any moment from now, the contractor will resume”. An assistant driver, Ismail Bala, who was Lagos bound, said recently that their truck got stuck at a point along Ijan – Iluomoba axis, saying, “We have been here for days now. People are making efforts bringing stones. We are praying we can get out of here”. Another road user, Ayo Aregbesola, lamented that “the deplorable condition of the Ifaki – Oye – Ikole Omuo Road, has continued to hinder free movement of goods and services and has exposed road users to accidents, armed robbery, kidnapping and other dangers”. Aregbesola, who described the road condition as “an economic and safety disaster waiting to happen,” appealed to the Federal Government and its Ekiti State counterpart “to take swift action to rehabilitate and reconstruct the road. “This road is too strategic to be neglected. It connects the South-West to the North and plays a vital role in regional integration and commerce. We cannot afford to ignore it any longer,” the engineer said. Worried by daily torturous experience on the road, the Odo Ayedun Concerned Citizens’ Forum, said, “This road, which serves as a major artery for economic and social activities between the South-West and the Northern part of Nigeria, has become nearly impassable, causing untold hardship to commuters, transporters, and residents along the route”. The Forum, in a statement from the Office of the Director of Press, urged the federal and Ekiti State governments “to urgently mobilize efforts toward the repair and upgrade of the road to alleviate the suffering of the people and restore the economic viability of the area”. Also, a People’s Democratic Party governorship candidate in Ekiti State, Emmanuel Fayose, who related his experience on the federal roads in Ekiti State, said it was indicative of the poor governance in the state as he queried, “Is there a governor in this state?” Fayose, moved by the plight of travelers, who said their vehicles had been stuck for days along the Ijan – Iluomoba axis of Ado – Ijan – Ikare Road, recently provided truckloads of gravel stones to fill up the dilapidated portions to enable the travelers have access. Fayose said, “As I passed through Ekiti State recently, I was struck by the deplorable condition of our roads. From Efon to Igede, Itawure to Aramoko and Erio axis, the roads are in shambles. Vehicles are constantly breaking down and the lack of maintenance is not only causing inconvenience, but also posing a significant risk to lives. “As you enter Ekiti State, you will be greeted by potholed roads that are detrimental to vehicles and human lives. It is disheartening to see that the government has neglected these critical infrastructure projects. “The condition of our roads is a perfect example of the neglect we have suffered under the current administration,” the PDP chieftain said. But an All Progressives Congress chieftain and former member, House of Representatives Committee on Roads, Bimbo Daramola, said the condition of the federal roads should not be blamed on the state government, adding, “We need a stakeholders’ engagement now on the federal roads in Ekiti”. Daramola said, “Virtually all the roads that criss-cross Ekiti State are federal roads. Tell me how many roads can withstand 350 articulated trucks carrying hundreds of tonnes of goods every day that can be sustained by a state like Ekiti?” The former lawmaker, who said the heavy laden trucks were daily using the roads to their destinations mostly Ekiti State, advised the Federal Government, “What the roads need must be holistic starting from the design, construction, quality of the roads so that we do not spin around in the same cycle”. The Director General, Ekiti State Bureau of Community Communications, Mary Oso Omotosho, says that although federal roads are not the direct responsibility of state government, Oyebanji has been proactive regarding their poor conditions in the state, adding, “It is heartening to know that genuine efforts are being made to address these issues”. Omotosho, highlighting some efforts in the road users’ interest, said, “The Ado – Ifaki Road (part of Ado- Ifaki – Ikole – Omuo Road), a federal road, has just been completed under the diligent leadership of Governor Oyebanji. “The governor has strategically provided alternative roads to the poor Federal Government roads for travelers. Ado – Akure has two alternative roads viz: Ikere -Igbaraodo – Igbaraoke – Akure Road and Ado – Ilawe – Igbaraodo -Igbaraoke Road. “The alternative road for Ado -Aramoko – Itawure – Ilesa axis is now Ado – Ilawe – Erinjiyan – Ikogosi – Efon Alaaye, while that of Ado – Ijan – Agbado axis is the Ekiti State Ring Road phase 1”. Omotosho, who said that construction of Akure – Ado Road was ongoing under Federal Government contracts, added, “Meanwhile, Governor Oyebanji has invested over N400m in compensation payment for the Ikere – Akure, Ado – Ijan and Omuo -Ifaki roads. Currently, the governor is actively resolving logistics issues to ensure speedy delivery”. APC State Publicity Secretary, Segun Dipe, in his reaction, said, “Talking of federal roads, it is not only in our state, the federal roads across the country are subject to wear and tear and they are being worked on. “You will see that the roads are being worked on from Lokoja towards Abuja and if you look at Ondo/Ekiti axis, Ikere – Akure Road, it is being worked on. “Most of the roads in the state have been penciled down and I believe that they are work in progress. I would not say that they are totally bad, they are subject to being repaired, they are subject to being maintained,” Dipe said.

A former Vice Chancellor of the Obafemi Awolowo University and Awise Agbaye, Prof Wande Abimbola, in this interview with TUNDE ODESOLA, sheds light on the controversy surrounding the burial of the Awujale of Ijebu, Oba Sikiru Adetona, among many other issues. Excerpts: What’s your view on the burial of the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona, and the controversy surrounding it? The controversy surrounding the burial of the late Awujale is not surprising because he had shown his preference for Islam from day one, even though he performed some of his traditional duties. From day one, he had shown that he was not ready to abide by our traditions. The Agemo, which is a major orisa of the Ijebu, was virtually non-existent during his reign. He didn’t hide his preference for Islam over and above our indigenous ways of life. His burial does not portray us as a people with culture and tradition. When the Queen of England died, she was buried according to the rites of passage of the English. When the Pope dies, he is buried according to the rites of passage of Christianity; the same thing goes for the kings of the Arab world, who are buried in line with the Islamic tradition. The same should apply to departed Yoruba kings. How should a Yoruba king be buried? It varies from one place to another, but the corpse of a departed king is treated with the utmost reverence; Ifa would be consulted, the people who are supposed to bury the king already know their responsibilities, and they would perform the burial ceremony according to the laid down customs of the people. It is usually an elaborate ceremony, during which so many orisas will be propitiated, the community will go into mourning, markets will be shut, and there will be a curfew in the kingdom. It is usually a time for everybody to mourn. It is a pity the late Awujale deprived himself of all the burial ceremonies, a situation which is not befitting of a king of his stature. It is doubtful if the late Oba Sikiru Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, would be welcomed with open arms when he reunites with his ancestors in heaven. His ancestors are likely to point the index finger at him and say, “Sikiru, why did you betray us?” But the Chief Imam of Ijebu-Ode said the Awujale was buried according to Islamic rites to prevent ritual killings… Is there anybody so stupid to believe that in this day and age, ritual killing will occur and the police would not intervene, or the people would not revolt? It is in their Islam that killings and beheadings are practised – if not in Yorubaland, at least we see it elsewhere, where people are beheaded in the name of Allah. I have witnessed the burial of three kings in Oyo. In Oyo, for example, there used to be an abóbakú, but that ended in colonial times. I don’t know why a chief imam would be making such an allegation when his fellow Fulani Muslims are killing the innocent all over Nigeria. It’s the height of ignorance and disrespect for anyone to ascribe that to our indigenous religion. As a babalawo, does Ifa support ritual killing after the demise of a traditional ruler? I think people need to show some respect to the people practising indigenous religion. In the distant past, it was not only the Yoruba who had people who accompanied their dead kings to the afterlife. Things like that were practised in some other parts of the world. Why allege without facts? I’m not surprised, anyway; during the spread of Christianity in Europe and the Americas, it was customary for Christian communities to burn people alive, claiming that their victims were witches and wizards – that was one way of discouraging young people from practising indigenous religion. I’m old enough and I’ve been in the depths of Yoruba culture all my life, and I’ve not seen anywhere in modern times where people were killed during the burial of kings. These are the same lies they tell when somebody is brutally murdered anywhere in Nigeria; they would say it is ritual killing, that it must be from those who practise indigenous religion. The point everyone needs to know is that our society in Nigeria today is in turmoil, and wherever there are crises such as war or epidemic or accidents, international human scavengers will descend on such a place so that they can harvest hearts, livers, and other body parts. It is a multi-billion-dollar universal trade. Not long ago, it was reported that a ship was arrested on the high seas near China, carrying human penises from Africa. In the USA, where I live, every day, many people need heart or kidney transplants, and some are smuggled from places where there are troubles like war. Nigerians should know that human organ harvesting is a serious syndicate, and it’s global. So when they catch anyone with human parts, it is easy for them to say one babalawo or the other sent them. When people who erroneously believe in money ritual are also caught, they lie that they are taking the organs to one babalawo, but the question to ask is, ‘Are the people they are taking the organs to real babalawos?’ Anyone can ask any fool to go bring human parts. Those pinning ritual killings on traditional religion practitioners should look elsewhere and stop maligning indigenous religion. I have told them on many occasions to call the Araba of Ife, who is the president of all babalawos worldwide, to find out if the person the police have arrested is a bona fide babalawo. No babalawo will ever engage in ritual killing. Never. There is a growing fad among Yoruba kings to condemn traditional burial. What’s the reason for this fad? The fad arises from their stupidity. They are stupid enough to think that Islam or Christianity is more valuable or that if they associate themselves with those two religions, they are more respected or they are more civilised. Fortunately for us in recent times, young people are coming out in large numbers to associate themselves with our indigenous practices. With the growing fad, do you approve of Christian or Muslim clerics becoming traditional rulers in Yorubaland? Well, anybody who is born and bred a Yoruba person and who is from a royal family is entitled to become an oba, but he has to be briefed, and the kingmakers should let him know what is required of the office, what is expected of a monarch when he’s on the throne. Anybody who cannot measure up to that expectation should never be installed as king… How would the kingmakers know if someone measures up to standard or not? They (kingmakers) would know. There is a traditional way to know. It is to ask Ifa. They should also question princes vying for kingship. When he is on the throne and he deviates from traditional ethics, they should remove him. There are ways of removing a king. In the old Oyo Empire, for instance, a king must not set his eyes on the parrot eggs. As a check, kingmakers could put parrot eggs in a closed calabash and ask the king to open it. If he sets his eyes on the parrot eggs inside the calabash, he must immediately commit suicide. Nowadays, what has complicated the whole issue is bribery and corruption, which are the order of the day in Nigeria. Today, the kingmakers wouldn’t even ask any question about whether the would-be king would practise the religion of his ancestors or whether he would use his powers to favour Christianity or Islam. They wouldn’t even ask those questions once they had received money. Money is the problem. The kingmakers don’t mind as long as they get the highest bidder. Before I cut in, you were saying you don’t see anything wrong with Christian or Muslim clerics becoming traditional rulers in Yorubaland… I don’t see anything wrong with it. If you are a prince and it’s your family’s turn, it’s okay inasmuch as you’re going to respect indigenous practices. For example, in Oyo town, you can hardly find anyone who is not nominally a Muslim or Christian in the royal family. The present oba is Akeem, even though he is a Christian. It’s very difficult to say that it’s only people who practise indigenous religion who should be kings. Christians and Muslims are part of the community. As long as the king would not be partial by trying to lord over other religions in the community. The late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, was a Muslim, but he openly practised Ifa, Sango, Ogun, etc. If we take the narrow view that it’s only the practitioners of indigenous religions who should be kings, that won’t be good. We can all coexist without rancour if we respect ourselves. We should not seek to obliterate indigenous practices. Indigenous religion welcomes other religions; it’s the imported religions that are intolerant. A king has to be tolerant. Nobody is asking that the king should not go to church or mosque if that is his religion. The example of the current Alaafin is important. Immediately he ascended the throne, he went to a church and worshipped with them, then he went to a mosque and worshipped with them, too. He later went to the Ile Ijuba of Babalawos and worshipped with them. The Yoruba say ‘aro meta kii da obe nu’ – the tripod does not spill the soup. I hope that if the reawakening that is ongoing among our young people in embracing our indigenous ways of life continues, there will be a larger pool of princes who are practising the traditional ways of life to pick from when there is a kingship vacancy. It is not the kings alone that we should be talking about, however. In the Yoruba community as a whole, there should be respect. Religion is a question of choice; there’s no way you can lord it over somebody else, and there won’t be rancour. If we want peace in Yorubaland, let all religions be. I don’t mind if a Muslim or a Christian is king as long as they would practise and respect our indigenous ways of life. He could practise his Islam or Christianity privately. The Olowo of Owo, Oba Ajibade Ogunoye, has cautioned that anyone who cannot stand traditional burial should stay away from obaship. Do you agree with Olowo’s position? A Yoruba king should be buried in the Yoruba way. The identity of a person walks on two legs like a human being, and the two legs are language and belief – that is, religion. Both are being very badly threatened in Nigeria today. Many people don’t speak our languages anymore, they don’t write the language that gave birth to them, and they don’t practise the religion of their forebears. It’s sacrilege. It’s like something that our ancestors would frown upon. A king should be a shining example of someone who is above board. We cannot tolerate a situation where our indigenous ways of life and our autochthonous practices are abused or obliterated. What roles does the government have to protect culture and tradition? That’s why I said it would be parochial to say Muslims or Christians should be excluded from kingship, because the people to give government approval to a king could be a Christian or a Muslim. Such a scenario will eventually lead to religious tension in our society when government officials fail to approve a king based on religious antagonism. I think the government should provide a level playing field for all religions. They should promote our languages and culture, and also ensure that Nigerian languages become the language of instruction at all levels – from primary to university – and for conducting legislative sessions within our communities. The people of a country who cannot use their language to teach their children, those people are slaves; slaves of the foreign country whose language they speak and with which they teach their children, even though they may not know it. They wouldn’t know it because of their slave mentality. Somewhere in London or the USA, some people are laughing at us silently or loudly, saying, “Look at my Nigerian slaves.” I think the way Yorubaland is today is good in one respect, and that is – the fact that there’s religious tolerance, I think that should continue, but it shouldn’t continue with the eradication of traditional religion. The Ifa Council is poised to sue the Ogun State Government over alleged meddling in traditional matters. Is that the way to go? It’s one way to go; let’s see what the court would say. There is religious tolerance enshrined in the Nigerian constitution. So, let’s see what the judicial interpretation would be, in the light of the constitution. What is the way out of the animosity among Nigerian religions? The way out of the situation is that we should not forget we are one people – brothers and sisters who speak the same language. We have so many things in common. The way out is for the extremists in the ranks of the Christians and Muslims not to think they can eradicate the religion of their forefathers. If, God forbid, our autochthonous way of life is eradicated, it’s we, all of us, the Yoruba, who are eradicated. History is full of examples of people all over the world who have been eradicated. Can you give examples? Yes, they include the indigenous people of Australia, the indigenous people of America; the indigenous people of the US are probably two million today, their land has been taken, and their culture is near extinction. That’s what Nigerian Christians and Muslims should remember. I’m sure most of our Christian and Muslim friends in Yorubaland would not be happy if our culture and tradition become extinct to the extent that it obliterates our identity. On a recent visit to my home in Oyo, I charged Christians and Muslims to stop saying that worshippers of Ogun, Sango, Oya, babalawo or any orisa would go to hell. I asked them if they would be happy if I went to hell, and they all said no. So, let’s all find a common ground on which to tread. The point I’m making is this: you’ll never hear it from my mouth, that Christianity is not good or Islam is not good; it’s not any of my business. And that’s why those of us who practise our indigenous way of life don’t proselytise; you don’t find a babalawo going about saying Islam is bad or Christianity is bad. Christians and Muslims say that their expansionist injunction is in their holy books. The Islamic religion doesn’t mind killing people they term as infidels. We should let them know in unmistakable terms that that would not be tolerated in our Yoruba country. That’s why, since time immemorial, the Yoruba have been worshipping 400 plus one divinities. The plus one on top of the 400 represents the principle of possible accretion or increase (in the number of the divinities). This means that if a Yoruba man marries an Efik woman, in those days and up till now, that woman would learn the religious practices of her husband. One day, the husband’s family members would ask her, ‘What is the religion or orisa of your people in Calabar?’ If she says she worships Anansa, they would ask her to teach them about her orisa so they could worship it as well. There are at least 20 divinities that the Yoruba and the Fon people of Benin Republic have in common. That’s the best way to go; millions of people practise Yoruba religion all over the world today. Some of them are white and mulattos folks, who live in Cuba, Brazil, Trinidad and Tobago, Europe, the United States, etc, where Yoruba religion is spreading like wildfire today. At the risk of sounding immodest, I think I can safely say that I’m one of the agents of that worldwide spread of the Yoruba way of life, but you can never hear from my mouth any utterance that condemns anybody else’s belief or way of life. You won’t see an Oya worshipper fighting with a Sango worshipper or babalawo because there’s religious tolerance among traditional religious worshippers. This lesson should be imbibed by Christians and Muslims. Religious intolerance is not the way to peace. Whenever I get to Nigeria, you will see Christians and Muslims coming to visit me. They know I’m a babalawo, they know I’m the Awise, but they still come to me because they know I symbolise peace and tolerance.